Factoring Mythology within Masculinity

By Naina Yadav

Jack nee Judith Halberstam explains masculinity as the cultural, political and social expression of maleness. The discussions around Sex and Gender in Sociology agree to Gender being a social performance, a division based on the natural distinction of Sex, existing as a hierarchical relationship of power. There are certain elements in society that establish, shape, define, prescribe and produce the normative patterns of behaviour assigned to the gender roles, sustained through interaction between individuals. The generic idea instilled in society is that men and women fundamentally differ and that a distinct set of fixed traits characterize archetypal masculinity and femininity. Girls and boys are socialised through certain agents into their respective standardised, naturalised, socially appropriate, and validated roles or behaviours. These roles are much cultural and locally specific, based on the historical and cultural discourse of civilisation. Gender shapes power, from the ‘private’ relationships of the household to the highest levels of political decision-making. Gender shapes and divides power. Inequalities between men and women are one of the most persistent patterns in the distribution of power. The gender roles may also be dynamic, responding to the external stimulus of the larger order, adapting and transforming itself to reinforce the elementary distinction between masculinity and its anti-thesis, femininity. On a deeper analysis, we may also say that ‘power equals masculinity’. It explains why powerful people often demonstrate dominance in gendered ways. Most political and economic institutions, historically dominated by men, are tailored to (upper class/caste) men’s experience. They idealise ‘masculine’ forms of behaviour and rely on men’s power over women. Therefore these institutions tend to ‘lock in’ two types of power — men’s power over women, and the power of the most ‘masculine men’ over everyone. Gender is what teaches and instils in us an understanding of what ‘power’ is in the first place.

In the context of our country, religion has been one of the most essential factors in ascertaining the system of beliefs and practices. Hindu religious scripts and texts are instructive in nature and do so by the narration of stories involving great ideal leaders and their biographies. They particularly talk about ‘Dharma’ the code of behaviour. The mythological texts, namely Ramayana and Mahabharata, set a precedent for men to stick to, and well, since women aren’t biologically enabled with the acumen to decode the wisdom in these holy texts, the men can always tell us our life’s purpose.

The Paurush (masculinity) of Rama depicted as ideal, is ascertained by his name ‘Maryada Purushottam Ram’. Rama’s story is one of perfect devotion to Dharma despite the harsh tests he came across. His picture is painted as one of a supreme man and an iconic King to his subjects. His character is a true hero, saving the day with the help of his devotee Hanuman. While Rama takes the limelight, Hanuman in the supporting role was always characterised as a playful and mischievous monkey, happy to be serving. He is powerful but does not display it to intimidate. But this was all before the Hindutva iconography. The birth of a distinctive view of Hindu supremacy is traced in the historically violent yet short period from 1919 to the mid-1920s. It was in 1923 that V.D. Savarkar's founding statement on Hindu identity was published The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) was formed in 1925, and Savarkar's Hindu Mahasabha of 1916, the central organ for promoting Hindu demands during the Indian independence struggle, was strengthened. The idea of the Sangh Parivar, a family of Hindu nationalist organizations, took root during this period. By 1938, Sarvarkar began drawing comparisons between Hindus and ethnic Germans and between Indian Muslims and German Jews. He repeatedly stated that an ethnically sound Hindu nation “should be inhabited only by pure-blooded Aryans.” Whereas Sarvarkar’s previous notions focused on race and territory, his subsequent ideas stressed the role of militarism and war scholars have drawn attention to the fact that ideas of masculinity are tied less to the body and more to socio-cultural ideologies and practices. Manhood is not naturally given but is a goal to be achieved. To be born a boy is a privilege but one that can be lost if one is not properly initiated into masculine practices. Besides, male adults must maintain this privilege by regular performance. Among the list of must-have- character traits- to-be-manly-enough, aggression is deemed natural and desirable in men. It is uncharacteristic of men to adopt the point of view of others, show empathy and sensitivity, gentleness and compassion. Another key feature exhibited through images of social violence, and integral to a culture of masculinity, is the belief that ‘real men’ bear the onus of sustaining moral order.

We can observe these symbolic allegories in the interactions that went on between Krishna and Arjun, or the self-righteous standards of Rama. But the imagery was still that of subtlety and clemency. Contrastingly, the contemporary times have metamorphosed the mellowness of Rama and Hanuman into warriors, devoid of mercy and hostile towards rivals. Leading a path of combative destruction and rage, to seek vengeance. This image got further crystallised the ‘Rudra Hanuman’ sketch by Karan Acharya from Mangalore. The perceived threat to an imagined ancient Hindu manhood being countered, through a variety of modern symbols. Deities like Shiva, Rama and Hanuman are created as weapon-wielding bulky muscular men, radiating ire. The politicisation of the religious figures is a much deliberate camouflage tactic, to evade all that has gone wrong in the nation. It appeals to a majority of masses, diverts their attention, and offers a sense of immediate control; a restoration of power. As the author Amish Tripathi commented, “all Lord Hanuman had to do to revive his strength was to remember it. It was that simple. India is just like that. We are actually a very powerful country. And yet, we behave like we are powerless”. The idea of becoming a global superpower is a long-standing aspiration of middle-class individuals. They are the ones who are most persuaded by ideological propagandas, fuelled by the consistent construction of hegemonic masculinity based on constantly creating the idea of an “other”. The current instability on the socio-economic front results in feelings of discomfort and weakness, thus a reassurance through manufactured Hindutva identity is lucrative.

The roots of this relentless desire to assert control can be traced in the historical discourse of our country. Savarkar’s notion of cultural-religious nationalism, implied domination over specific sections of society, propagating the misplaced beliefs of supremacy and authority. It was at its core anti-minority. The myth of Vedic origin allowed Savarkar to undermine all external forces. The essentials of the Hindutva landscape, blood ties to India’s territory and a caste system founded on the purity of upper caste (Aryan) blood contextualized much of Savarkar’s critique of the British and Muslim eras. Savarkar’s disdain for the Mughal rule has made inroads into the BJP’s rhetoric, a major agenda for Hindu communalists is to set the framework for how the majority could be made to fear the minority.

Professor Sanjay Srivastava discusses that the Imperial forces ‘effeminized’ the non-European cultures. It resulted in the self-image of effeteness being widely accepted by the 19th Century Indian Hindu Intelligentsia. The perennial past of foreign rule granted an ‘emasculated’ status to the Hindu men.

The recent recurrences of social violence being continually reproduced in a democracy are symptomatic of a pathology that has blanketed the entire country. Democracies are meant to encourage the not-so-masculine values of consultation, negotiation, discussion, compromise; being inclusive and making space for the ‘others’.

The country’s leadership under Modi’s right-wing regime has seen quite a few expressions of this typical form of masculinity, incorporating discussions around technological development, nationalism, militarism. Be it the jingoist activism appealing to the Gandhian ideologies as that of the Swadeshi movement through ‘Make in India’ and ‘Swacch Bharat Abhiyan. However, they deviated from it soon enough by overtly creating communal rifts and othering the Muslim community. With huge investments directed towards gaining military might and ‘striking’ exhibits of brute force, they have shut down many opposing voices. The Prime Minister’s elections campaigns strewn with images of him with his family and being the perfect son, along with slogans like ‘Main Bhi Chowkidar’ ‘Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao’ demonstrated him as the toiling self-righteous saviour, the team responsible for the optics was able to create the image of a classic Indian king. Ring any bells, yet? Also, who are we saving the daughters from? The patriarchal hyper Indian masculinity, I would guess!

His campaigns manifest the perception of male protectors. Rendering the women, youngsters, non-Hindus as subordinate beings. His term also has seen a sudden rise in ‘Netizens’ who are now being called ‘Internet Hindus’, passionate supporters of the Sangh Ideologies. Social Media today, has become the breeding grounds for these ‘traditional patriotic Hindus’, who enthusiastically choose to act as vigilantes online and offline, suppressing and silencing dissent, criticisms and divergent ideas. Their approaches are often gendered, sexualised and communally targeted acts of violence. This reeks of certain anxieties peculiar to the Hindutva Masculinity.

One must keep directing questions and demanding accountability of a regime, which acts to uphold the traditional, hegemonic masculine ideals which obstruct and neglect the rights of its marginalised citizens, in fright of their liberation and aspirations.

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